Cocalero is a documentary about the life and the days leading up to the 2007 Bolivian presidential election for Evo Morales. The film helps also to analyze the struggling indigenous population in Bolivia, that wants desperately to be given the rights that they rightfully believe they should be given. Interestingly enough, the film shows Morales becoming the first indigenous democratic president to have ever been elected in Bolivia. Although the film is loosely centered around Evo Morales' presidential campaign and election, the film also allows the viewer to gain a perspective from the indigenous populations point of view.
For thousands of years, many of the indigenous peoples have made it a lively hood by growing and distributing the coca leaves from the coca plant. In the past decades from U.S. intervention and government regulation, the coca plant production has become very restricted. History has shown not only in Bolivia but in many other South American countries, the indigenous populations have been given little or no say as to what freedoms they will be dealt. Many tribes have been kicked off there native lands or had there native territorial resources exploited by outside foreign corporations. As well, many native tribes have rebelled only to meet strong military resistance. In Cocalero, the viewer is able to grasp some of these treatments from certain scenes. One scene in particular, involves Evo during his campaign being asked by an older indigenous lady if he is going to support the growing and producing of coca. He intently describes to her that yes ofcourse he supports this. Another scene that stuck out, was the teaching of illiterate indigenous women on how to vote. This is interesting because it seems to know the political views and sides taken by different candidates, it seems necessary that one might need to be able to read.
In the article, "Ecuador's Pan-Indian Uprising" by Les Field the struggles of the indigenous within Ecuador are underlined. Since the colonial period when the Spanish arrived, the indigenous have been given little acknowledgement and have been forced to relinquish traditional values and forgo the laws put in place by outsiders. Historically speaking Ecuador has seen many revolts by indigenous peoples, dating back to the 1500's, but on May 27th, 1990, a different rebellion took place. "One hundred and sixty Indians occupied Santo Domingo Cathedral in the heart of the city of Quito. They demanded the immediate resolution of land disputes in six highland provinces."(Fields pg. 39). Land disputes have remained the large cause of many of the indigenous revolts and native uprisings. Much of there land has been claimed by others and used to extract resources for export. Too many natives this is completely outrageous. The Ecuadorian rebellions are very similar to Bolivian turmoils. Many South American indigenous want to continue with their traditional ways, but globalization has increasingly threatened to discontinue that. Much of Ecuador has been exploited, including the sierra region. Rain forest areas in Ecuador have been cut down to make room oil drilling.
Cocalero does well in representing a different, less political look inside the struggles and ways of the Bolivian indigenous. It provides a simple and less commercial aspect to a political campaign in which the less powerful majority makes history by electing one of their own for the first time.
Monday, May 2, 2011
Monday, April 25, 2011
OUR BRAND IS CRISIS (2005)
The documentary Our Brand Is Crisis by Rachel Boyton, paints a grim picture of how an American political advising company is hired to help reelect a once Bolivian president, Gonzalo "Goni" Sanchez de Lozada back into presidential office. In the film, many persuasive techniques and political deceptions are provided to show how a manipulative process can push its way into a winning position. Bolivia, a South American land locked country, is known worldwide as a very poor and unstable nation but with many natural resources to offer, including an immense supply of natural gas. The documentary helps to centralize the basic idea of a poor country in the middle of a civil "crisis" that needs "democratic" direction. But as well, many under lying intentions can be distinguished and taken from this very well put together picture.
From the autobiographical book "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" by John Perkins, a true story about how he (Perkins) became to earn the label "EHM" a.k.a. Economic Hit Man , many similarities can be recognized between the story told and what the American political advising company did in 2005 in Bolivia. Perkins defines EHM's, "We are an elite group of men and women who utilize international financial organizations to foment conditions that make other nations subservient to the "corporatocracy" running our biggest corporations, our government, and our banks." (Perkins pg. xx) This is eerily similar to what the executives and staff of the American political advising company can be compared too. Basically what they do or did in Bolivia, is or was to provide assistance for a certain political icon without discrimination. But they also, insert themselves into the middle of a controversial situation, something they have never directly been apart of, and use they're power and money to sway the popular opinion, whether or not it be beneficial to the country as a whole. They do this by providing simple advice from respected political figures, for instance James Carville, focus groups composed of local citizens to evaluate political ads, and ideas that promote globalization. "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" makes a good point that most definitely puts the American political advising company into perspective. Perkins explains that as an EHM, he was taught to blend in and never to let it be known what the actual intentions were. Perkins is able to simply describe that an EHM wants to sell a country into debt. Meanwhile, letting the country become so over taken by debt that the United States is allowed to let them pay some of that debt back by allowing them to build military bases and exploit natural resources in exchange for the money they owe.
Also another interesting fact that can be seen in the film is that the presidential candidate Goni, supports many of the ideals seen in the United States and if not even more interesting, is himself born and bred from the United States. This may not be coincidental that the American political advising corporation supported Goni. In the article "The Slow Death of the Washington Consensus on Latin America" by James M. Cypher, the policies of Goni and the American political advising company can be thought to hold similar standards to this statement, "Leading orthodox economists both in the United States and throughout Latin America urged deregulation of capital markets, free exchange rates, privatization of parastate firms, and "flexible" labor markets." (Cypher pg.47). In the film, Goni does just that. He urges the citizens of Bolivia to give him the authorization to export there natural gas resources. He also hired many foreign investors to build airports, electrical utilities, and railroads in return for capital investments. This, under the definition of globalization is thought highly upon, but to the Bolivian citizens it was not. Many believed they were stripped of job opportunities and that their natural resources were being taken from them without their consent. This was made very evident in the documentary and was in part what led to a violent riot and the resignation of Goni.
Our Brand Is Crisis provides more than just an American political advising company directing a foreign presidential candidate, it is able to portray the influential power and control the United States has assigned on smaller and weaker countries. It is also able to expose a system that has been used for centuries and can be summed up in a quote from "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" , "When men and women are rewarded for greed, greed becomes a corrupting motivator."(Perkins pg. xv).
From the autobiographical book "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" by John Perkins, a true story about how he (Perkins) became to earn the label "EHM" a.k.a. Economic Hit Man , many similarities can be recognized between the story told and what the American political advising company did in 2005 in Bolivia. Perkins defines EHM's, "We are an elite group of men and women who utilize international financial organizations to foment conditions that make other nations subservient to the "corporatocracy" running our biggest corporations, our government, and our banks." (Perkins pg. xx) This is eerily similar to what the executives and staff of the American political advising company can be compared too. Basically what they do or did in Bolivia, is or was to provide assistance for a certain political icon without discrimination. But they also, insert themselves into the middle of a controversial situation, something they have never directly been apart of, and use they're power and money to sway the popular opinion, whether or not it be beneficial to the country as a whole. They do this by providing simple advice from respected political figures, for instance James Carville, focus groups composed of local citizens to evaluate political ads, and ideas that promote globalization. "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" makes a good point that most definitely puts the American political advising company into perspective. Perkins explains that as an EHM, he was taught to blend in and never to let it be known what the actual intentions were. Perkins is able to simply describe that an EHM wants to sell a country into debt. Meanwhile, letting the country become so over taken by debt that the United States is allowed to let them pay some of that debt back by allowing them to build military bases and exploit natural resources in exchange for the money they owe.
Also another interesting fact that can be seen in the film is that the presidential candidate Goni, supports many of the ideals seen in the United States and if not even more interesting, is himself born and bred from the United States. This may not be coincidental that the American political advising corporation supported Goni. In the article "The Slow Death of the Washington Consensus on Latin America" by James M. Cypher, the policies of Goni and the American political advising company can be thought to hold similar standards to this statement, "Leading orthodox economists both in the United States and throughout Latin America urged deregulation of capital markets, free exchange rates, privatization of parastate firms, and "flexible" labor markets." (Cypher pg.47). In the film, Goni does just that. He urges the citizens of Bolivia to give him the authorization to export there natural gas resources. He also hired many foreign investors to build airports, electrical utilities, and railroads in return for capital investments. This, under the definition of globalization is thought highly upon, but to the Bolivian citizens it was not. Many believed they were stripped of job opportunities and that their natural resources were being taken from them without their consent. This was made very evident in the documentary and was in part what led to a violent riot and the resignation of Goni.
Our Brand Is Crisis provides more than just an American political advising company directing a foreign presidential candidate, it is able to portray the influential power and control the United States has assigned on smaller and weaker countries. It is also able to expose a system that has been used for centuries and can be summed up in a quote from "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" , "When men and women are rewarded for greed, greed becomes a corrupting motivator."(Perkins pg. xv).
Monday, April 18, 2011
La Virgen de los Sicarios (2000)
The film La Virgen de los Sicarios, takes place in the crime stricken town of Medellin, Colombia. The story evaluates the struggles between the main character Fernando, a homosexual elderly man, who seeks to find the killer of his teenage lover, Alexis. As Fernando begins his search, he comes across another gay youth who resembles Alexis. The two hit it off but Fernando soon finds out it was Wilma, the new lover, who had killed Alexis. Fernando knows he must kill Wilma but ultimately finds out Wilma only killed Alexis in retaliation because Alexis had killed Wilma's older brother. La Virgen de los Sicarios well in emphasizing the senseless violence that can happen in Colombia on a daily basis. Though it might be overly accentuated, the film makes it a good habit to help the audience be able to recognize how life could be living in an under developed country with little security and safety.
Colombia is well known for its crime, drug production and trafficking as well as an ongoing civil war between the Colombian military and its rebel guerrillas. Counter drug operations and efforts to combat the internal struggles of the drug trade have become a well known initiative of the United States, as well as those whom want to cooperate in the elimination of narcotics trafficking. In the National Security Archive regarding "War in Colombia: Guerrillas, Drugs, and Human Rights in U.S.-Colombia Policy, 1988-2002" findings have been analyzed investigating the involvement between the U.S. and Colombia and its policies to boot corruption. Stating from the National Security Archive, "The U.S.-Colombia end-use agreement – intended to guarantee that counter drug aid be used only in drug producing areas and only for counternarcotics operations – came to be interpreted so broadly as to render its provisions virtually meaningless." This statement is very interesting. It goes on to say that the U.S. deemed the territory useless and instead decided to declare the entire country, Colombia that is, open for investigation. This is not surprising. For the U.S. it seems to be hard to declare most places that are deemed as threats or menaces to society, without completely wanting to redo the entire infrastructure of a certain sector. Other CIA intelligence reports found in the National Security Archive state that the Colombian government lacked the will to go after the guerrilla groups. But once again, this goes back to cooperation from both sides. There must be an assurance that the correct and legal activities to stop the drug trade and corruption are done, but this is much easier said than done when the illegal benefits can out weigh the consequences. (e.g. making much more money on producing and distributing cocaine, than working construction).
The article, "State, Esprit Mafioso, and Armed Conflict in Colombia" by Ricardo Vargas touches on the subject of state control beyond the legal system. This goes along with the problems that are encountered in the film and Colombia as well as other countries. Vargas uses the example of Sicily and the creation of the mafia to show how underdeveloped areas, unable to rely on the legal system, are able to establish working systems where local political and social systems are put in place. This is a very good explanation of how Colombia can be explained. In the 1960's, Colombia was still a very underdeveloped country. The abundance of the coca plant was seen as major resource crop and the locals new what effect, if produced to make cocaine, would create for immense money making potentials. Also, Columbia has a vast mountainous landscape making it harder for the government to patrol for illegal drug trafficking. The combination of a large peasant and lower class, very little legal enforcement, the abundance of the coca plant, and an unstable government became all very good ingredients for making Colombia known as one of the biggest drug exporters in the world. The article goes on to explain many "mafia" tendencies practiced in the societal background of Colombia. The article states, "...most Colombians condemn drug trafficking...when a trafficker attempts to "legalize" his situation by buying land and acquire legitimacy,... he is accepted or at least not openly questioned.". This statement, helps to explain how much influence the rebel groups and guerrillas have had on local citizens as well as the recognition of mass profit.
The film La Virgen de los Sicarios does a good job in depicting the violence and harsh times one can endure in Colombia. There have been many stories told of the drug lords, violence, kidnappings, and corruption that has been known to occur within the country. Although the country is still developing, many agree that the drug trafficking and distribution heyday has passed and that Colombia is becoming a safer and more well respected country.
Colombia is well known for its crime, drug production and trafficking as well as an ongoing civil war between the Colombian military and its rebel guerrillas. Counter drug operations and efforts to combat the internal struggles of the drug trade have become a well known initiative of the United States, as well as those whom want to cooperate in the elimination of narcotics trafficking. In the National Security Archive regarding "War in Colombia: Guerrillas, Drugs, and Human Rights in U.S.-Colombia Policy, 1988-2002" findings have been analyzed investigating the involvement between the U.S. and Colombia and its policies to boot corruption. Stating from the National Security Archive, "The U.S.-Colombia end-use agreement – intended to guarantee that counter drug aid be used only in drug producing areas and only for counternarcotics operations – came to be interpreted so broadly as to render its provisions virtually meaningless." This statement is very interesting. It goes on to say that the U.S. deemed the territory useless and instead decided to declare the entire country, Colombia that is, open for investigation. This is not surprising. For the U.S. it seems to be hard to declare most places that are deemed as threats or menaces to society, without completely wanting to redo the entire infrastructure of a certain sector. Other CIA intelligence reports found in the National Security Archive state that the Colombian government lacked the will to go after the guerrilla groups. But once again, this goes back to cooperation from both sides. There must be an assurance that the correct and legal activities to stop the drug trade and corruption are done, but this is much easier said than done when the illegal benefits can out weigh the consequences. (e.g. making much more money on producing and distributing cocaine, than working construction).
The article, "State, Esprit Mafioso, and Armed Conflict in Colombia" by Ricardo Vargas touches on the subject of state control beyond the legal system. This goes along with the problems that are encountered in the film and Colombia as well as other countries. Vargas uses the example of Sicily and the creation of the mafia to show how underdeveloped areas, unable to rely on the legal system, are able to establish working systems where local political and social systems are put in place. This is a very good explanation of how Colombia can be explained. In the 1960's, Colombia was still a very underdeveloped country. The abundance of the coca plant was seen as major resource crop and the locals new what effect, if produced to make cocaine, would create for immense money making potentials. Also, Columbia has a vast mountainous landscape making it harder for the government to patrol for illegal drug trafficking. The combination of a large peasant and lower class, very little legal enforcement, the abundance of the coca plant, and an unstable government became all very good ingredients for making Colombia known as one of the biggest drug exporters in the world. The article goes on to explain many "mafia" tendencies practiced in the societal background of Colombia. The article states, "...most Colombians condemn drug trafficking...when a trafficker attempts to "legalize" his situation by buying land and acquire legitimacy,... he is accepted or at least not openly questioned.". This statement, helps to explain how much influence the rebel groups and guerrillas have had on local citizens as well as the recognition of mass profit.
The film La Virgen de los Sicarios does a good job in depicting the violence and harsh times one can endure in Colombia. There have been many stories told of the drug lords, violence, kidnappings, and corruption that has been known to occur within the country. Although the country is still developing, many agree that the drug trafficking and distribution heyday has passed and that Colombia is becoming a safer and more well respected country.
Monday, April 11, 2011
Cocaine Cowbys (2006)
The film Cocaine Cowboys documents the illegal cocaine drug trade and smuggling operations in Miami, Florida during the 1970's and 1980's. Directed and produced by Billy Corben, Cocaine Cowboys uses interviews from convicted drug smugglers and murderers, lawyers and law enforcement and in detail provides many main events that led to the rise and fall of some of the biggest drug smuggling operations in history. It is important to note that the film most indefinitely acknowledges what Miami was like before and after the illegal cocaine trade. The trade without a doubt brought plenty of violence, corruption, and chaos to a once sleepy touristy town but it also helped in many positive ways. Mainly because of the "don't ask" policy (e.g. paid in cash for a $100,000 car), many legal business were able to boom during this period and enable a city in the midst of a national economic decline to catapult. Today, Miami is considered the richest city in the U.S. and has become a central leader in commerce, finance, "legal" international trade, architecture, entertainment, and cultural diversity.
Although, Miami can be looked as a prosperous thriving city, there are still many illicit, underground and behind the scenes activities taking place. Many believe that Miami today, could still be a wonderful city without all the devastating crimes and deaths that took place within that 20 year period. In the article "Collateral Damage: The U.S. "War on Drugs" and Its Impact on Democracy in the Andes" by Coletta A. Youngers, the illegal drug trade and the problems it creates South America and the U.S. are examined. A main point the article establishes is that the U.S. and there "War on Drugs" has made it increasingly difficult for smaller Andean countries like Peru, Bolivia, and Columbia to gain a steady footing on there civilian-military and government relations. This point is back up by many examples where the U.S. has contradicted themselves, becoming involved in counterinsurgency operations and providing millions of dollars to "right winged paramilitary groups responsible for the majority of human rights abuses being committed in that country today" (Youngers pg.128). The article also establishes that cultivation of the coca plant, drug trade routes, and drug cartels have increased in number since the war was launched. Youngers states, "Coca production can be compared to a balloon: squeezing it in one area mierely causes it to pop up somewhere else." This is an extremely interesting statement. It seems as though this "war" is one that is ineffective and can be seen as one that is counter unproductive. The more money that is put into stopping the production and trade of cocaine or other illegal drugs, the more effort there is to continue its production and distribution.
A journal "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations", which is a compiled list of declassified documents from hand written note-books of Oliver North, electronic messages from high ranking officials from the Reagan administration and memos from the FBI and DEA who dealt with the Contra war efforts, the documents analyze the truthfulness of a foreign drug policy scandal and official knowledge of drug trafficking operations and the protection of known drug traffickers. The topic of corruption by the U.S. government in dealing with the supply and distribution of illegal drugs into the streets of the United States has become a widely recognize and "possible" problem that has occurred or still may be occurring in the U.S. today. The "Contras" which were considered resistance groups in Nicaragua and other parts of Central America, which for the most part were aimed in the war against the Nicaraguan Sandinista government. In one of the documents contained in the journal it is stated, "The two agents said that in 1985, Oliver North had wanted to take $1.5 million in Cartel bribe money that was carried by a DEA informant and give it to the contras." Although this was never proven, the Kerry committee concluded that many senior U.S. policy makers believed that using drug money to help fund the Contra's rebel war efforts was not a bad idea. Ultimately, just from this statement, it is impossible for one not to question the motives behind this. It seems as though for many, including the U.S., for a more than powerful nation to get what it wants or to get things to go the way they want them too, a system of full intelligence is in place and then the process of picking and choosing on which or when to intervene or withdraw, although it may be against everything a good moral American citizen should believe, is put in place.
Cocaine Cowboys provides a very detailed look into the systems, operations, and lives that were involved in the biggest and most notorious illegal cocaine trade this nation has seen. Overall, this was a very well put together documentary and rises many questions as to how and why things have gotten be the way they are, not just in the city of Miami or the U.S., but the world as well.
Although, Miami can be looked as a prosperous thriving city, there are still many illicit, underground and behind the scenes activities taking place. Many believe that Miami today, could still be a wonderful city without all the devastating crimes and deaths that took place within that 20 year period. In the article "Collateral Damage: The U.S. "War on Drugs" and Its Impact on Democracy in the Andes" by Coletta A. Youngers, the illegal drug trade and the problems it creates South America and the U.S. are examined. A main point the article establishes is that the U.S. and there "War on Drugs" has made it increasingly difficult for smaller Andean countries like Peru, Bolivia, and Columbia to gain a steady footing on there civilian-military and government relations. This point is back up by many examples where the U.S. has contradicted themselves, becoming involved in counterinsurgency operations and providing millions of dollars to "right winged paramilitary groups responsible for the majority of human rights abuses being committed in that country today" (Youngers pg.128). The article also establishes that cultivation of the coca plant, drug trade routes, and drug cartels have increased in number since the war was launched. Youngers states, "Coca production can be compared to a balloon: squeezing it in one area mierely causes it to pop up somewhere else." This is an extremely interesting statement. It seems as though this "war" is one that is ineffective and can be seen as one that is counter unproductive. The more money that is put into stopping the production and trade of cocaine or other illegal drugs, the more effort there is to continue its production and distribution.
A journal "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations", which is a compiled list of declassified documents from hand written note-books of Oliver North, electronic messages from high ranking officials from the Reagan administration and memos from the FBI and DEA who dealt with the Contra war efforts, the documents analyze the truthfulness of a foreign drug policy scandal and official knowledge of drug trafficking operations and the protection of known drug traffickers. The topic of corruption by the U.S. government in dealing with the supply and distribution of illegal drugs into the streets of the United States has become a widely recognize and "possible" problem that has occurred or still may be occurring in the U.S. today. The "Contras" which were considered resistance groups in Nicaragua and other parts of Central America, which for the most part were aimed in the war against the Nicaraguan Sandinista government. In one of the documents contained in the journal it is stated, "The two agents said that in 1985, Oliver North had wanted to take $1.5 million in Cartel bribe money that was carried by a DEA informant and give it to the contras." Although this was never proven, the Kerry committee concluded that many senior U.S. policy makers believed that using drug money to help fund the Contra's rebel war efforts was not a bad idea. Ultimately, just from this statement, it is impossible for one not to question the motives behind this. It seems as though for many, including the U.S., for a more than powerful nation to get what it wants or to get things to go the way they want them too, a system of full intelligence is in place and then the process of picking and choosing on which or when to intervene or withdraw, although it may be against everything a good moral American citizen should believe, is put in place.
Cocaine Cowboys provides a very detailed look into the systems, operations, and lives that were involved in the biggest and most notorious illegal cocaine trade this nation has seen. Overall, this was a very well put together documentary and rises many questions as to how and why things have gotten be the way they are, not just in the city of Miami or the U.S., but the world as well.
Sunday, April 3, 2011
BUS 174 (2002)
Bus 174 analyzes a hijacking and hostage situation that took place inside a public transportation bus, Bus 174, in Rio de Janerio on June 12th, 2000. The documentary, which was released in 2002, focuses on those involved directly in the event at hand. Most importantly the highjacker, "Sandro do Nascimento", the hostages, and the police. Because the event was broad casted live on Brazilian television networks, the images displayed are entirely accurate and the reality of the situation to be more fully experienced by the viewer. Besides using live camera footage, there many other important elements that went into the making this documentary. Provided testimonials and interviews from those who had close personal ties and experiences with Sandro, accounts from the hostages and the police who tried to diffuse the situation, Bus 174 is able to put together an extremely insightful look into the situation. As well as provide evidence and possible explanations into why this event occurred the way it did.
In "A Drive-By Victim", a true story by Alberto Salcedo Ramos, the reader is presented with a personal account of a taxi ride in Columbia that goes horribly wrong. Very similar to the events that occurred on Bus 174, for instance what it feels like to be taken hostage, have one's own life be threatened physically and emotionally, and essentially robbed, the story also has another distinguishable characteristic that the Bus 174 documentary acknowledges. A displayed surprise sense of compassion and emotionality of gratitude towards the offender or hijacker. The author, Ramos, describes a feeling of some kind of emotional tie with the men who robbed him once the situation has ended. Stating, "But when they let me go, on Thirteenth Street, toward the south side of the city, I felt great gratitude toward them. If I didn't shake their hands and invite them to breakfast the next day, it was because I wasn't brave enough." ("A Drive-By Victim" by Alberto Salcedo Ramos) This is extremely interesting. If one were to break the event down, Ramos was left at the mercy of his attackers and knew that he had absolutely no control over his own life. The offenders broke him down to such an immense level of in-superiority he was entitled to think that it could this could possibly be his last moment. But he states when one of the offenders had gotten out of the cab to retrieve his money, the mood in the cab shifted. They let him know that it was almost over and he had cooperated well. Ramos states, "I think that if the lunatic on the left hadn't gotten out of the car, his two accomplices wouldn't have used their consoling tone, which offered me some comfort." ("A Drive-By Victim" by Alberto Salcedo Ramos) This same sense of pity and emotional compassion towards the hijacker in Bus 174 is also portrayed. The case for this most inevitably, is the uncontrollable emotions and rush one undergoes in a situation like this. Once you figure out that you are going to be okay, the anger towards the offender for ever even being put in the situation is replaced with an overwhelming sense of gratitude for being set free.
Pertaining to the sense of gratitude towards an attacker, there is an extreme irony in Bus 174 dealing with this. As the event is taking place, the hostages are told by Sandro to "act" more in danger and threatened for police and media presence, contrary to what is actually is occurring and being said inside the bus. One of the hostages, when interviewed, states that she made a connection with Sandro and knew that he wasn't going to kill anyone as he has threatened. The hostage tries to tell another hostage this, by trying to console her and tell her that Sandro wasn't going to kill her. But ultimately, in the end, she is accidently shot, once by a squat team member and twice by Sandro.
In the article, "The Heart That Bleeds" by Alma Guillermoprieto, it was very hard to make a connection between the article and the documentary Bus 174. The article addresses the importance of the "ranchera" music and its traditionalistic quality within Mexican culture. Also the changing times and the loss of tradition that is being replaced with outside international values and modernization. It may be possible to make a connection in a sense that a confusion is taking place and a loss of values, that essentially once made up certain aspects in Mexican culture. This can be tied in with the urbanization of Rio de Janerio, those who are unable to continue living the ways in which they did, are being swept under the rug and casted out or ignored by the changing times and "hustle and bustle" of urbanization.
Overall, Bus 174 analyzes very well an extremely riveting and tragic historical event. Not only does it enable awareness on many of the different issues and problems within Rio de Janerio and Brazilian society, it also allows the audience to feel an appreciation for their own everyday situations and to realize things could be much worse.
In "A Drive-By Victim", a true story by Alberto Salcedo Ramos, the reader is presented with a personal account of a taxi ride in Columbia that goes horribly wrong. Very similar to the events that occurred on Bus 174, for instance what it feels like to be taken hostage, have one's own life be threatened physically and emotionally, and essentially robbed, the story also has another distinguishable characteristic that the Bus 174 documentary acknowledges. A displayed surprise sense of compassion and emotionality of gratitude towards the offender or hijacker. The author, Ramos, describes a feeling of some kind of emotional tie with the men who robbed him once the situation has ended. Stating, "But when they let me go, on Thirteenth Street, toward the south side of the city, I felt great gratitude toward them. If I didn't shake their hands and invite them to breakfast the next day, it was because I wasn't brave enough." ("A Drive-By Victim" by Alberto Salcedo Ramos) This is extremely interesting. If one were to break the event down, Ramos was left at the mercy of his attackers and knew that he had absolutely no control over his own life. The offenders broke him down to such an immense level of in-superiority he was entitled to think that it could this could possibly be his last moment. But he states when one of the offenders had gotten out of the cab to retrieve his money, the mood in the cab shifted. They let him know that it was almost over and he had cooperated well. Ramos states, "I think that if the lunatic on the left hadn't gotten out of the car, his two accomplices wouldn't have used their consoling tone, which offered me some comfort." ("A Drive-By Victim" by Alberto Salcedo Ramos) This same sense of pity and emotional compassion towards the hijacker in Bus 174 is also portrayed. The case for this most inevitably, is the uncontrollable emotions and rush one undergoes in a situation like this. Once you figure out that you are going to be okay, the anger towards the offender for ever even being put in the situation is replaced with an overwhelming sense of gratitude for being set free.
Pertaining to the sense of gratitude towards an attacker, there is an extreme irony in Bus 174 dealing with this. As the event is taking place, the hostages are told by Sandro to "act" more in danger and threatened for police and media presence, contrary to what is actually is occurring and being said inside the bus. One of the hostages, when interviewed, states that she made a connection with Sandro and knew that he wasn't going to kill anyone as he has threatened. The hostage tries to tell another hostage this, by trying to console her and tell her that Sandro wasn't going to kill her. But ultimately, in the end, she is accidently shot, once by a squat team member and twice by Sandro.
In the article, "The Heart That Bleeds" by Alma Guillermoprieto, it was very hard to make a connection between the article and the documentary Bus 174. The article addresses the importance of the "ranchera" music and its traditionalistic quality within Mexican culture. Also the changing times and the loss of tradition that is being replaced with outside international values and modernization. It may be possible to make a connection in a sense that a confusion is taking place and a loss of values, that essentially once made up certain aspects in Mexican culture. This can be tied in with the urbanization of Rio de Janerio, those who are unable to continue living the ways in which they did, are being swept under the rug and casted out or ignored by the changing times and "hustle and bustle" of urbanization.
Overall, Bus 174 analyzes very well an extremely riveting and tragic historical event. Not only does it enable awareness on many of the different issues and problems within Rio de Janerio and Brazilian society, it also allows the audience to feel an appreciation for their own everyday situations and to realize things could be much worse.
Monday, March 28, 2011
Cidade de Deus (2002)
Released in 2002, the film Cidade de Deus portrays the lives of residents living in the "favelas" of Rio de Janerio. Located in the suburban outskirts of the second largest city in Brazil, the favelas or shantytowns were originally meant to serve as housing quarters for impoverished citizens, but instead have provided places for growing gang activity, drug trade, unemployment, and crime . The film Cidade de Deus allows the audience to get an exceptional look inside the ongoing struggles and difficulties of the favela's while at the same time, combines individual true stories to get the film's plot across. Narrated by the main character, "Rocket", the plot skillfully intertwines the stories of many different characters, whose paths all cross, enabling the build and lead up to one defining moment/scene at the end of the film.
Cidade de Deus is based on the novel of the same name by Paulo Lins, which was released in 1997, and then re released along with the film in 2002. The film used non-professional actors, some of who were even from the City of God. Although they were non-professional actors, the actors were trained in the art of acting for an extended period of time before filming (Stephen Hart: Cidade de Deus). In the article and analysis by Stephen Hart, Cidade de Deus, Hart mentions that the film most inherently addresses the lives of the lower classes as being manipulated by the mediatic, governmental, and law enforcing powers of the Brazilian society. This statement is quite evident and can be seen throughout the entire movie. An example of the manipulative law enforcing powers in the film happens towards the end of the movie when the character Li'l Ze is ushered into an alley way by the police and instead of being arrested and hauled off to jail, is robbed of his money and set free to go on committing murders.
The whole setting of the film is in the favelas of Rio de Janerio. In the article by Julio Cesar Pino, “Sources on the History of Favelas in Rio de Janerio” an explanation as to the existence of the favelas is thoroughly researched. In the article, Julio explains that a housing shortage in Rio caused the explosion in shantytown construction after 1940 and because Rio does not legally recognize the existence of favelas, there is little documentation of the subject (Julio Cesar Pino: Sources on the History of Favelas in Rio de Janerio). One source that Julio mentions is from the Institu Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica (IBGE). He states that the organization is able to provide specialized studies documenting there being “a symbiotic relationship between industry and the favelas, and the gradual shift of the squatter population away from the hills and toward the suburbs of Rio” (Julio Cesar Pino: Sources on the History of Favelas in Rio de Janerio). This is an interesting find and allows one to assume the possibility of labor conditions playing a key factor in the impoverishment of the favelas. Another big point Julio makes on the favelas, is that they are very unlikely to vanish from Rio de Janerio. He states that three generations have grown up in them and still no solution has been found.
Cidade de Deus gives the audience a clear insight into the struggles of the favela life and portrays many good examples on the violence encountered in them each day. The main character Rocket explains it best in the film stating, “Fight and you’ll never survive, run and you’ll never escape”, leaving the viewer with a sick sense as to what is must be like to live in such awful conditions.
Monday, March 21, 2011
CHE GUEVARA PART 1
The film Che, Part 1: The Argentine analyzes the works of Ernesto "Che" Guevara and his part in taking control of Cuba during the Cuban Revolution. The film begins with Che meeting Fidel Castro and them deciding to plot and rebel against the Cuban regime and the dictator Fulgencio Batista. During part one of this very long film, "flash forwards" occur between revolution scenes to scenes in which Guevara is giving his famous Tricontential speech to the United Nations. In the speech, it is made very clear by Che that there is a constant resentment towards the United States and imperialism overall. From the speech a "Message to the Tricontental" Che is able to express his views and thoughts on global issues (mostly about the United States). He explains that each continent feels the presence of the United States. For example, Che states, "So far it does not have there great interests to defend except its pretended right to intervene in every spot of the world where its monopolies detect huge profits or the existence of large reserves of raw material." (Message to the Tricontinental) It is clearly evident through this statement that he does not like the presence of the U.S. nor does he want to cater to their economic welfare. Another statement in the speech which is very interesting, "Everything indicate [sic] that peace, this unstable peace which bears that name for the sole reason that no worldwide conflagration has taken place, is again in danger of being destroyed by some irrevocable and unacceptable step taken by the United States."(Message to the Tricontinental) Although Che has used much guerrilla warfare and violence in the in the taking of Cuba, he makes a point to say peace is not inevitable if the U.S. was not involved. To me, this is a very complicated statement. It seems as though Che is very critical of the U.S. and he is saying instead of the U.S. stepping in to fight communism and end civil wars within other countries (which is not peace) to allow it to continue to take place and to turn their head.
The Tricontential speech in 1964 came just years before Che Guevara's death on October 9th, 1967. The topic of Che's death is a very controversial one, but it is now public that the United States had a part in the capturing and killing of Che Guevara. In the "Death of Che Guevara: Declassified" by Peter Kornbluh, which is a compilation of declassified documents on Che Guevara, it is written "...the head of the U.S. MILGP (Military Group) in Bolivia and signed by the commander of the Bolivian armed forces, created the Second Ranger Battalion to pursue Che Guevara's guerrilla band".(Death of Che Guevara: Declassified) This order was issued on April 28, 1967. Also within the documents it mentions that President Johnson is to be informed about the tracking of Che's whereabouts. Along with other dated documents, it is clearly evident through the correspondence of the United States CIA and Bolivian forces, that the United States wanted Che and his guerrilla warfare/army put to an end. Part 1 of the film does not touch on Che's death, nor the other things he accomplished before his death but it does, by tying in the Tricontenental speech, provide a list of things to come and an explanation as to why he was assassinated by the U.S. and Bolivian Forces. Overall, this film was very well done and enables viewers who know little of Che Guevara to gain a better perspective on why he has become such an important figure in history.
The Tricontential speech in 1964 came just years before Che Guevara's death on October 9th, 1967. The topic of Che's death is a very controversial one, but it is now public that the United States had a part in the capturing and killing of Che Guevara. In the "Death of Che Guevara: Declassified" by Peter Kornbluh, which is a compilation of declassified documents on Che Guevara, it is written "...the head of the U.S. MILGP (Military Group) in Bolivia and signed by the commander of the Bolivian armed forces, created the Second Ranger Battalion to pursue Che Guevara's guerrilla band".(Death of Che Guevara: Declassified) This order was issued on April 28, 1967. Also within the documents it mentions that President Johnson is to be informed about the tracking of Che's whereabouts. Along with other dated documents, it is clearly evident through the correspondence of the United States CIA and Bolivian forces, that the United States wanted Che and his guerrilla warfare/army put to an end. Part 1 of the film does not touch on Che's death, nor the other things he accomplished before his death but it does, by tying in the Tricontenental speech, provide a list of things to come and an explanation as to why he was assassinated by the U.S. and Bolivian Forces. Overall, this film was very well done and enables viewers who know little of Che Guevara to gain a better perspective on why he has become such an important figure in history.
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